Identity or Identities?

Personal Identity

Identity refers to the individuality of a person, to his characteristics. It includes concepts of self-awareness and self-representation, in addition to everything which is constant and unique in a person.

My identity is what makes me different from any other human being since it is the product of a mental construction, a conscious process at times and unconscious at others, linked to a person’s past and experiences.

Social Identity

The concept of social identity constitutes a dynamic component, which in turn includes within it the individual identity component. Social Identity is the individual’s «awareness» of belonging to a historical group, providing him with a functional framework to satisfy his need for psychological security, and a referential frame for creating a value and cultural system that organizes his perception, interaction, and evaluation of the world. This is undertaken in the pursuit of achieving common and collective goals, without conflicting with his own personal identity.

In this sense, social identity is the product of common experiences and a common lifestyle shared by the members of that historical group. But in addition to sharing common glories of the past and a common will in the present, there is also the accomplishment of great work together and the desire for coexistence.

Identity, Sectarianism, and Violence

The Psychology of Wounded Identity

We hear a lot about Lebanese, Syrian and Iraqi peoples, and the dominance of sectarian identity over national identity. So how accurate are these statements?

The violent political conflict erupted in Iraq after its occupation along sectarian and ethnical lines. While in Syria, after the revolution, the conflict erupted between the ruling regime and the power of the Alawite minority and opposition groups and predominantly Sunni groups; the fact which made the conflict transform into a conflict based on sectarian and ethnic identities. Millions were displaced and entire social groups marginalized and placed in a «state of exception», so that they now feel threatened together on a sectarian basis.

Since the 2006 war, Lebanon has been subject to a vertical split that has taken a sharp doctrinal turn as one of the aspects of the acute regional conflict and the involvement of essential Lebanese components in the Syrian war.

In such situations, the person’s attention is focused and his existence centered on the targeted component. In an identities conflict, we often recognize ourselves to belong to the group most vulnerable to attack, and we identify with this belonging fully, whether we publicly adopt it or conceal it. The sought belonging, whether color, religion, language, class or sect, as in our case, overwhelms our whole identity. And those who partake in it feel solidarity. So they gather, mobilize and cheer one another on, attacking those who are confronting them. The reaffirmation of identity becomes an act of courage and liberation.

Needless to say that what determines the individual’s belonging to a particular group is essentially his desire to resemble them and gain their love and approval. As a result, we observe his subjection to the influence of those close to him, i.e. his group, family and religious group who seek to own him. But he is also influenced, though negatively, by those confronting him because they seek to eliminate him.

As a consequence, identity wounds are created because the others make him feel different and that his difference is a stigma and isolation, thus amplifying his staunch adherence to his identity group.

The resulting wounds are what determine at each stage of the cycle of life the position of individuals regarding their belonging and they also determine the hierarchy of this belonging.

Strangely this approach does not accord any importance to the fact that this exclusive belonging is in itself variable and multifaceted. Belonging is to a nation, but in the eyes of some, it is to a religion, nationality or language. This means that the idea of belonging itself is relative. And where the threat is posed to the native language or ethnic group, they do not hesitate to enter into a fierce confrontation with the members of the same religion, as is the case between the Muslim Turks and Kurds or between the Arabs themselves in the renewed Sunni-Shiite conflict. Often our declared identity is the negative image of our opponent’s identity.

The Threatened Lebanese Identity!

Recently, many indications point to the fact that the majority of the Lebanese hold firmly unto their Lebanese identity more than ever before; manifested in their demands for a State, attachment to the flag and the symbol of the cedar^[1] on it, and celebration of the Lebanese army, which means a demand to limit the defense of the homeland to the state and its army.

Shibley Telhami^[2] has conducted a survey in several stages and it was revealed in it that the percentage of those who consider themselves to be Lebanese first and foremost rose after 2011. He concluded that this was natural as threatened identity becomes the most important and powerful. Arguably, Lebanon which is threatened in its very presence makes the Lebanese people’s attachment stauncher than ever.

In general, we can talk of several features that reflect the presence of a Lebanese identity or spirit as represented in a particular personality type, which appears in art in general and in folklore, political heritage, cuisine, mood, dialects and the predilection for freedom and openness... And the same applies to the Syrian identity with a different content. In a way, it can be agreed that there is a Lebanese social and national identity, and other Syrian, Iraqi, Palestinian and Egyptian social and national identities...

Yet, the question on everyone’s mind comes up: What is the future of these identities in light of the manifestations of division, intolerance and civil strife that we are witnessing presently?

What should be noted in this respect is that political events are characterized by their speed and constant change, whereas the psychology of human beings is profound and slow and, therefore, does not change along with instantaneous political changes and shifts.

In addition, the social identity of the individual does not always coincide with the identity of the political framework of the geographical spot in which he lives. For example, the dispersal of Arabs across many countries with disparate political frameworks did not prevent the permanence of Arab belonging as an integral part of their identity, and being qualified as one of the aspects of social identity. Moreover, the dispersal of the Kurds in several neighboring national regions and countries, each with its own different political or national system, did not get in the way of their firm attachment to their historical Kurdish identity. The same process has characterized Palestinians in the occupying state of Israeli so they became even more attached to their Palestinian identity.

The common psychological system is formed over a long period of time and does not undergo fundamental changes before a long time has passed. In other words, the political event, due to its speed, may impose certain historical conditions on the external behavior of a group, without it necessarily being able to create changes similar to the logic of those conditions in the internal psychological system of that group. For the political event moves and positions itself in time much faster than the psychological impact it leaves on the individual and the group in spite of the dialectical link between the two. This explains why many peoples are able to retain their national and cultural identity over long years of occupation and the rule of invading colonial armies; although we cannot deny the occurrence of fragmentation here and there that could become a threat to identity if it continues for a long time.

The capitalization on sectarian passions intended to inflame them at the expense of a fragmented uniting national identity only points to the unfortunate deterioration of the mental health of the society, especially among the elites and influential leaders in the development of their social personality.

But it is likely that this group that finds itself in crisis would come out of its situation when the surrounding conditions change, as already happened with the German people and their Nazi experience. In addition, individual traits cannot dominate, whatever their type, in light of the accelerating globalization which makes the world a connected and linked global village.

On Syrian Asylum and Racism

Since mid-2013, there has been a surge of heavy Syrian displacement to Lebanon to the backdrop of Lebanon’s serious economic and social crisis as a result of internal problems in addition to the conflict in Syria, including a reduction in the proceeds from trade, tourism and investment, and an increase in public expenditure, while public services fail to meet the growing demand.

Five years following the start of the open conflict in Syria, Lebanon finds itself in a «catastrophic situation»: it is the country with the highest number of refugees in the world^[3], in terms of the proportion of the number of refugees to the local population, as well as in terms of the density of the refugees in proportion to the area of this small land. And attention should be paid to the threatened societal balance whose effects are beginning to be felt increasingly in the increase in the rate of violence and crime and their kind to previously unknown levels (major increase in murders of women, cutting up bodies, and unidentified victims...).

In light of all this, we periodically witness a media frenzy at each security attack occurring in Lebanon, and quickly the enmity of some against them rears its head, the racism syndrome emerges and the finger of blame is pointed at the Syrian refugees. A wave of incitement against Syrian refugees is sweeping over us, often coming from government officials in generalizations of sorts of hatred, racism, and discrimination against refugees in bulk, which deepens and exacerbates problems instead of working on containing them.

It is worth noting here the social psychology law: highlighting only the negatives and promoting the idea that the Lebanese people is racist and rejects Syrian refugees is the best gift to fanatics and racists because it increases the cohesion of their position and strengthens their fanatical identity.

Infringement and abuse, which is observed in the most civilized societies and the examples are innumerable, must be exposed, but without paying lip service or exaggerating.

Fear of the other and exploitation of the weak are human traits and weaknesses and those who exploit the Syrians and Syrian children, women, and elders, are Syrians and Lebanese of various nationalities.

So, for the sake of the future of relations between the two peoples, it is more useful to focus on the positive aspects also and not only condemn and amplify the negative ones. A racist discourse and the cacophony it creates overshadows the positive treatment and the overall acceptance of Syrians present around us wherever we, in shops, cafes, restaurants, and supermarkets, as customers, workers and professionals, are treated normally. And this despite the risks of competition, increased unemployment and reduced quality of life for all involved.