These steps have been accompanied by behavior, decisions and reports by the press that can be termed racist. They represent an attempt to spread generalizations about hundreds of thousands of people because of their identity, color or the behavior of some of them; they seek to isolate them and enforce restrictions on their movement.
However, these measures and behavior don’t sum up the issue of Syrians in Lebanon, and can’t be considered the only indicator of how Lebanese deal with Syrian refugees. In fact, there is interaction on the cultural, political and humanitarian levels between groups of nationals from both countries; there are many joint relationships, initiatives and activities that have emerged out of this context. However, their impact has remained limited if compared to the impact of bureaucratic measures and decisions. The impact of these initiatives remains is outweighed by that of the political statements and media campaigns that target refugees.
This disparity doesn’t come exactly as a surprise, even if it deserves condemnation. Lebanon’s sectarian division over what is taking place in Syria strengthens the first aspect. The accumulated political and socio-economic crises find their outlet in the accusations made by many groups who hold others responsible for what befalls them. The mixture of racism and class hatred makes the targeting of a large group of refugees easy, since they have little no social, economic or legal (and political) protection. However, this doesn’t erase the difficulty of the conditions and exceptional nature of them in a country that has experienced civil wars and occupations that have left many individuals and groups with various types of fears and obsessions. Moreover, it isn’t easy to deal with a catastrophe of the magnitude of the Syrian crisis, which has left Lebanon with a mass of refugees who make up one-fourth of the country’s total population.
This leads us to a preliminary conclusion that appears pessimistic: the current situation is moving in a vicious circle and the passage of time only further complicates things; the humanitarian crises in refugee areas and in Lebanese areas hosting refugees in the north and the Bekaa are becoming worse, and these areas were already impoverished. The successive military and security developments in recent months on Lebanon’s eastern border with Syria have rendered the several-years-old national discussion over Hezbollah’s growing involvement in the battles to defend the Syrian regime tenser and more difficult, even though this doesn’t alter the hierarchy of responsibility for how things have unfolded. Moreover, the racist rhetoric and measures, which might continue to emerge from time to time, and some emotional and hatred-laden responses to them, will likely continue to restrict humanitarian initiatives and social and cultural activities by Syrians and Lebanese. These latter activities, however, exemplify interaction and solidarity; they allow for cultural enrichment and innovation. Those who love the theater, cinema, music and arts in general are aware of how much Syrian residents of Lebanon participate in such endeavors.
Therefore, so that we don’t give in to pessimism, or the most apparent aspect of the Syrian scene in Lebanon, we should make more efforts to see coordination among people who work in the fields of law, culture and research and reject simplistic approaches and racism. The many legal challenges to government decisions that violate the Constitution, the Human Rights Charter and international covenants signed by Lebanon require the kind of specialized efforts and individuals that will allow us to confront them. Media coverage of activities highlighting the importance of Syrian contributions to cultural life in Lebanon should be encouraged and made general. Scientific studies should tackle economic issues and the socio-economic and security challenges as a result of the Syrian refugee presence, while countering the misleading figures and statements that have become entrenched over the last decade. We need to bring out the extent of the exaggeration and imprecision in the “official” discourse about these issues.
If these actions aren’t sufficient to confront the current situation and its related problems, then they should form the basis for undertaking such a confrontation. In any event, they highlight a “parallel” or “counter-”narrative to the prevailing one on refugees. They form the basis of a new type of relationship in the future between Lebanese and Syrians. Perhaps they will serve as the beginning of sound efforts that are then considered an alternative group of ideas about how to deal with refugees and their residency, rights and obligations, to be presented to the Lebanese authorities as well as international institutions and organizations, which should be playing more progressive roles in reducing the suffering of hundreds of thousands of people.